Peace is not passive, it is active. Peace is not appeasement, it is strength. Peace does not 'happen,' it requires work.
Never give up on anybody.
Liberalism, above all, means emancipation - emancipation from one's fears, his inadequacies, from prejudice, from discrimination, from poverty.
Certainly one of the chief guarantees of freedom under any government, no matter how popular and respected, is the right of citizens to keep and bear arms.
The history of the labor movement needs to be taught in every school in this land. America is a living testimonial to what free men and women, organized in free democratic trade unions can do to make a better life. We ought to be proud of it!
The ugliness of bigotry stands in direct contradiction to the very meaning of America.
We live by hope. We do not ever get all we want when we want it. But we have to believe that someday, somehow, some way, it will be better and that we can make it so.
Fortunately, the time has long passed when people liked to regard the United States as some kind of melting pot, taking men and women from every part of the world and converting them into standardized, homogenized Americans. We are, I think, much more mature and wise today. Just as we welcome a world of diversity, so we glory in an America of diversity -- an America all the richer for the many different and distinctive strands of which it is woven.
There are those who say to you - we are rushing this issue of civil rights. I say we are 172 years late.
The measure of a civilization is how it treats those at the dawn of life, the margins of life and the twilight of life.
This, then, is the test we must set for ourselves; not to march alone but to march in such a way that others will wish to join us.
We can not expect to breed respect for law and order among people who do not share the fruits of our freedom.
There is a lot of difference between failure and defeat. Failure is when you are defeated and neither learn nor contribute anything.
Life's unfairness is not irrevocable; we can help balance the scales for others, if not always for ourselves.
Unfortunately, our affluent society has also been an effluent society.
It is always a risk to speak to the press: they are likely to report what you say.
My philosophy has always been that benefits should percolate up rather than trickle down.
There is a great deal of difference between living and surviving. You can survive in debauchery, even in sickness and despair. But you live with a spirit of vitality and a spirit of participation, of being wanted, and having something to contribute.
The gap between the rich and the poor is the most dangerous threat to world peace we have.
What we need are critical lovers of America - patriots who express their faith in their country by working to improve it.
People in places many of us never heard of, whose names we can't pronounce or even spell, are speaking up for themselves. They speak in languages we once classified as exotic but whose mastery is now essential for our diplomats and businessmen. But what they say is very much the same the world over. They want a decent standard of living. They want human dignity and a voice in their own futures. They want their children to grow up strong and healthy and free.
It is all too easy for a society to measure itself against some abstract philosophical principle or political slogan. But in the end, there must remain the question: What kind of life is one society providing to the people that live in it?
In real life, unlike in Shakespeare, the sweetness of the rose depends upon the name it bears. Things are not only what they are. They are, in very important respects, what they seem to be.
Our opposition will never understand the Democratic Party. Our Party is--to the unpracticed eyes of the old Republican Tories--a mysterious contraption that usually seems to be moving in a thousand directions. What they don't know is what hurts them. For all that movement in the Democratic Party is caused by the internal combustion of creative ferment, of ideas, of people vigorously committed to the proposition that change and social progress are not only to be desired; they are necessities of twentieth-century America.
My friends, to those who say that we are rushing this issue of civil rights, I say to them we are 172 years late. To those who say that this civil-rights program is an infringement on states’ rights, I say this: The time has arrived in America for the Democratic Party to get out of the shadow of states' rights and to walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights.